Presidential Poll: Voters in the West

Presidential Poll: Voters in the West

Killid polled some 60 voters in three western provinces – Badghis, Ghor and Herat – to find out what why people vote. How strong is the influence of tribal and linguistic affiliations? Do partisan considerations play a role?

Malek Abdul Rahim from Herat province is an Abdullah supporter in his Reform and Partnership team. “I have been with Abdullah since the start of the revolution (the pro-Communist phase in Afghanistan began in 1978 when then president Mohammad Daud was overthrown) Our team has a vast network of relations with people all over the country,” he says.

Malek Abdullah, another Herati, says he voted for Abdul Rasul Sayaf because he wanted a pro-Islam candidate. “As our country is an Islamic country so its leader also should abide by Islamic rules,” he says.

Tribal leader Abdul Qudoos who lives in Badghis province was impressed by the “merit and professionalism” of his favoured candidate. “When Ashraf (Ghani) came to Badghis he shook hands with others but kissed me,” he says. “When I got to know about how far he had studied, I decided that he is better than other candidates. I encouraged all my relatives to vote for him.”

Abdul Ghani Khan is a former jihadist commander and a campaigner for Sayaf who he believes was the best suited to deal with the country’s “many problems”. “This convinced me to support a scholar and mujahid,” he says. “Though all candidates are learned personalities, Sayaf is both jihadist and a highly knowledgeable person so people supported him.”

Haji Sultan Mohammad is from central Ghor. He likes to believe it was God’s wish that he support Ghani. “God has ordered us: a leader of a country should be one who has wisdom. I as a Muslim, elect the one that has something in his mind. Abdullah and other candidates are good personalities but my favorite is a doctor of economics. Also his hands are not involved in the war.”

From Herat, Mohammad Aref says he is independent, and was not aligned to any candidate or team. He claims he was “friendly” with Abdullah when he was the spokesman of Ahmad Shah Massoud. Massoud, powerful leader of the Northern Alliance which resisted the Taleban, was assassinated in 2001, days before the World Trade Centre bombing in New York on Sep 11. “He (Abdullah) is Muslim. I have heard him address the media. All people voted for him, and so did I,” Aref told Killid.

Voters’ views on why they voted are as varied as the number of candidates in the presidential election. It appears that candidates could not take voters for granted. Take the case of former jihadist commander in Herat, Ismail Khan, who was minister for water and energy in the Karzai government. He was first assistant of Sayaf in the first round of elections, and in the runoff he sided with Abdullah. It was clear that there was a gap between him and local people.

Still it cannot be denied that tribal and linguistic alliances influenced voters.

Former jihadist commander Mohammad Anwar Khan Wardak of Herat province who referred to all candidates as his “brothers” was clear that “Tajiks follow Tajiks, Hazara follows Hazara”. “We have seen neither Ashraf’s team nor him nor have we been promised anything. When we realised that in elections the tribal and regional connections play a part – Tajiks follow Tajik, Hazara follows Hazara – we also backed our Pashtun leader Ashraf Ghani.”

For tribal leader from Ghor, Malek Sayed Shershah, a Ghani supporter, linguistic links are paramount in deciding who to vote for. Hundred percent of the elections are done this way. Even a child knows about language fanaticism,” he says, adding that there are “people who fan it”.

Nearly everyone Killid spoke to believes tribal and regional considerations play a role in electoral politics. Sayed Abdul Karim Nasrat who headed the campaign for Ghani’s Change and Continuity team said, “I don’t reject what you say – tribal, regional and partisanal links always existed.”

Fazel Haq Ehsan is the head of the provincial council in Ghor province. He thinks tribalism may not be as strong. “I got 700 votes in Lal and Sarjangal districts where without Hazara people (supporters) I could not have got votes,” he says. In his opinion, despite society being traditional, and level of education low, people are trying to choose (their leaders) more than in the past. “God willing there is hope that local can be saved from tribal problems,” he adds.

Ghulam Mohammad, however, is conservative. “If you don’t get angry,” he qualifies, “no one can be king but a Pashtun.”

Campaign costs

Tribal leaders claim their modest campaign budgets were part-funded by voluntary donations from people, but voters say candidates splurged on the elections. Rumours swirl that candidates for the provincial elections benefited from the campaign funds of presidential candidates. Both elections were held simultaneously.

Abdul Razaq Ahmadi, the provincial head of Abdullah’s campaign office in Heart, says as the campaign budget was fixed, most campaigners did not expect much, and worked voluntarily. Asked if expenses should be accounted for, he said, “Since we are new at campaigning and elections, the implementation of the law is difficult. However, we do agree that the law should be implemented.”

General Kamaludin, the former jehadist commander in Heart who was not aligned to any candidate, says even the weakest candidate spent more than 10 million Afs. “It is a small amount and can never be enough,” he said about the money. “When a person has to campaign in 34 provinces, how would that be enough? Even a child knows it is insufficient. God knows where the money comes from?”

Votes polled

In Herat, Ashraf Ghani got 325,843 votes in the runoff elections while Abdullah polled 186,118 votes; Ghani got 88,650 votes in Badghis and Abdullah 46,702 votes; and in Ghor, Ghani polled 238,303 votes while Abdullah won 90,491 votes.

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