Voting for a smooth transfer of Power

Voting for a smooth transfer of power

Mohammad Ishaq Akrami

Voters in the central provinces – Bamyan, Daikundi, Ghazni and Maidan Wardak – exercised their vote in the presidential elections last year in the belief that it was the only peaceful way to transfer political power from one president to another.

There was a more than average turnout of voters especially women. Voting was along ethnic and sectarian lines, Members of Parliament (MPs) told Killid. There were also allegations that votes were bought by candidates.

Supporters of the Reform and Partnership team led by Dr Abdullah Abdullah say their leaders are jihadis, and having always defended the country and lived among the people they know their problems. In keeping with the name of their coalition, they will bring “reform” and create “partnerships” to fight administrative corruption and build equality and balanced development.

Ali Akbar Jamshedi who represents Daikundi in the Upper House says he supported Abdullah’s team because “it aims for balanced development, focusing attention on areas that were ignored, and connecting Gardan-Diwal road with central areas.”

In his opinion, “Power in the country has always been in the hands of some select people. All the people should have a share this time, and for this (Reform and Partnership) is the most comprehensive team.”

Meanwhile, supporters of President Ashraf Ghani’s Change and Continuity team believe that Afghan leaders should have a broad vision about politics, management skills and qualifications to run a “modern” government that respects the rights of people. On their agenda are promises to develop Hazarajat and solve the problems of the Kuchis and villagers as per the Constitution.

Team member Ahmad Ali Ahmadi told Killid in Bamyan that the country was in good hands. “Dr Ghani is an experienced person with ideas for programmes. We are sure he will keep his promises and take Afghanistan out of crisis.”

For the Reform and Partnership team, Abdullah’s past as a mujahid is of vital importance. Mohammad Sajjad Mohseni, head of the team in Bamyan says, “Mujahids have the ability to change the government system.” Mohammad Hussain Fahimi who headed the electoral team in Maidan Wardak says their leaders worked in the “service of people during jihad and resistance time”.

Supporters of former foreign minister Zalmai Rassoul’s Moderation, Equality and Reconstruction team claim they stood for democracy and respect for the rights of women and youth. Mohammad Zaman Atrafi, the head in Daikundi says, “Leaders are democrats, people who did not discriminate and not tainted by involvement in past conflicts and controversies.”

Ghani’s education and non-controversial background were pluses for his supporters. Abdul Malik Habibi, head of the Change and Continuity team in Ghazni says, “Our country should gradually move towards security and growth. We should avoid barren slogans based on nationality and ethnicity.” Nesar Ali Nesar, member of Ghani’s team in Bamyan says the leaders appointed by Ghani were “clean and not corrupt”.

Elders and local supporters played an active role in campaigning, and getting the votes out. Take for example the example of Rohullah Danishyar who led Rassoul’s team in Bamyan. “Nobody knew Dr Zalmai Rassoul in Bamyan but efforts of elders and tribal leaders led to the Moderation, Equality and Reconstruction team winning the second position (in the province).” After the first round of voting on April 5, Rassoul announced his support for Abdullah in the run-off with Ghani.

The Change and Continuity team also shared experiences of campaigning. Engineer Asadullah, team member in Maidan Wardak says, “We played a very useful role: we explained the programmes of candidates, we made people aware of plans and goals of our team while the opposition teams played a negative role by spreading rumours that Dr Ghani was a Kuchi.”

According to Amin Ataee, campaign head for Change and Continuity in Shebar district, Bamyan, “When Dr Ghani came to Bamyan, we raised awareness and more than 40,000 people gathered to listen to him.”

People voted for the candidate’s plans and programmes in Daikundi, says Yasin Akbari, head of the team. Abdullah won 65 percent of votes in the province.

Arif Wahedi, a member of Ghani’s team in Ghazni credits their winning 75 percent of the votes in the province to “local elders who played a useful and vital role”.

Campaign tactics

Presidential candidates got two months to campaign. The first round of elections coincided with provincial council polls. What tactics did candidates use?

Fajir Merzaee, a member of the provincial council of Maidan Wardak told Killid that every candidate held elections meetings. Also, according to him, “some of the rich candidates who were supported by presidential candidates distributed money among people and even voting cards were bought.”

But Mawlawi Yousuf, head of the Bamyan provincial assembly and member of the Reform and Partnership team denies the charge. “We had twin campaigns – for ourselves (provincial assembly) and presidential polls but we did not receive money (from Abdullah’s team).” He says they travelled extensively in “many districts and villages” explaining their agenda, and “was good participation of people in the gatherings”.

However, Mohammad Baqir Akhlaqi, candidate in the provincial council election and member of Abdullah’s team in Waras district, Bamyan says, “I spent 400,000 Afs (6,900 USD) during the campaign and half that was paid by the Reform and Partnership.” He says the money went to pay for posters, fuel for campaign cars and food for participants at meetings.

Killid spoke to Mohammad Hedayat, head of Change and Continuity team in Daikundi who claimed they “truthfully” presented their aims and goals for the future.

Promises or deception?

Abdul Rahman Shahidani, representative of Bamyan in Parliament and member of the Reform and Partnership team was optimistic that promises made at the time of the election would be kept and if not “we will use legal and civil ways to get the rights of our people”.

Abdul Malik Habibi, head of Change and Continuity team in Ghazni says that their promises include turning Jaghori district into a province, and ensuring security, reconstruction and development.

Public participation

Did people flock to election gatherings voluntarily or were they lured?

Rajab Reja, resident of Shahrestan district of Daikundi says he was invited by elders and participated in three meetings. “Local leaders and campaigners promised money if we participate in their gatherings,” he told Killid.

Meanwhile, Ali, a resident of Daikundi province says, “I’ve been just to one gathering and elders of our area promised money. On the day, they gave us 500 Afs (9 USD) for travel and food expenses.”

Residents of Maidan Wardak province say people’s participating was limited because of security threats. Abdul Hameed Zafari from Jalrez district in the provinces says he got to hear on the radio about the meetings, and took part. “Local leaders made promises (of money) but nothing came of it.” This seemed to be the case also in Jaghori (Ghazni province).

Bamyan was given special attention in the election. Four candidates visited the province, and thousands of people from all over Bamyan gathered to hear them. Did participants get paid? Abdul Khaliq, resident of Shebar district told Killid: “I was invited by mujahedin council and they promised to give us money and clothes, but we got nothing.”

Campaign costs

Ghani and Abdullah were permitted to spend an estimated 10 million Afs (171,000 USD) each in the runoff election on June 14. Killid’s calculations on the basis of a scrutiny of documents and interviews shows that in each of the four provinces more than one million Afs (17,000 USD) was spent; it means that in 34 provinces the expenditure was 34 million Afs (583,000 USD)!

Mohammad Hussain Fahimi, head of Reform and Partnership team in Maidan Wardak says that in districts where there were campaign offices, the expenditure was more than 800,000 Afs (14,000 USD). Many districts could not be covered because of security threats. “People couldn’t participate in elections in districts like Nerkh, Sayed Abad, Jaghato and Chak – polling was barely 15 to 20 percent.”

Polling was brisk in Bamyan. Mohammad Asif, a resident of Shebar district says, “We went to vote without any fear, and cast our vote in favor of our desired candidate. There was no problem on the day.”