The National Solidarity Programme (NSP) has received a thumbs up from authorities but people have complaints. An investigation.
Now in its third phase, the World Bank website says the NSP’s objective is to “build, strengthen,
The National Solidarity Programme (NSP) has received a thumbs up from authorities but people have complaints. An investigation.
Now in its third phase, the World Bank website says the NSP’s objective is to “build, strengthen, and maintain community development councils (CDCs) as effective institutions for local governance and social-economic development”.
Launched under the Ministry of Rural Rehabilitation and Development (MRRD), it has funded 88,314 projects so far. The third phase ends on Sep 30, 2016. Projects cover water supply, irrigation, local energy, transport, health and education sectors, and community projects like public baths.
Government officials claim an 85 percent success rate. Independent evaluators have questioned the quality of construction, cost over-runs and use to the public.
Embezzlement and huge bribes have affected project quality. Some local people and representatives in provincial councils say armed opponents of the government in the insecure provinces pocket NSP money. The powerful collect a toll on new projects, allowing construction only after they are paid. Killid conducted interviews in 15 provinces.
Financing conflict
Mohammad Noor Rahmani, head of the provincial council in Sar-e Pol province, accuses project authorities implementing the NSP of funding armed opponents by acceding to their demands of bribes and illegal tolls. He claims he has got calls from Kohistan district, Kapisa province, with information on how “tolls” were paid out of the NSP budget to facilitate projects.
His counterpart Atajan Haqbayan in Zabul province says that money from the NSP budget goes into the pockets of armed opponents and powerful individuals in the insecure districts. Taleban and other powerful individuals squeeze money out of CDCs. In addition, they interfere with the working of the NSP by demanding projects be located in villages and communities of their choice.
Salman Ali Sadeqi, the head of Provincial Rural Rehabilitation and Development (PRRD) in Bamyan, says this interference is the reason behind the failure of most development projects in the province.
For example, in Shambol village, Sheeber district, he says people are divided among three parties and two religions. The conflict of interest has led to the failure of three big power projects.
Masooma Hasani, secretary of the provincial council in Samangan province, says NSP projects suffer from the differences and enmities of local people. Consequently, the results of NSP are uneven: in secure districts it has worked to transform lives, but not in others where project quality has been affected.
Toryalai Taheri, deputy head of the Herat provincial council also believes that the NSP has been successful only in secure areas. He thinks 40 percent of projects have faced challenges.
Meanwhile, MRRD officials continue to deny NSP projects have run into difficulty in areas where armed opponents of the government are powerful but Ahmad Shaheer Sharyar, the deputy minister for programmes, confirmed some NSP projects have ground to a halt in some districts. Moreover, MRRD has not been able to launch the programme in more than 6,000 villages because of the security situation. CDCs cover 34,836 villages, which is 85 percent of the country, according to the deputy minister.
The activities of 464 CDCs in 27 districts were halted because of security issues. Sharyar admitted to interference from powerful individuals, and more needs to be done by the government.
Administrative corruption
MRRD officials confirm there is a problem. Sayed Azim Kabirzai, a member of Herat’s provincial council says the quality of NSP projects has deteriorated over the years. Sometimes money is spent on projects that are of no use to local people, he adds. He cites the example of a bath constructed at a project cost of 60,000 USD in his village but is of no use to the people who are using it instead to store hay. Project officials should have first assessed the needs of villagers, he adds.
Sayed Mohammad Yazdan Parast from a civil society network in Balkh says the NSP has benefited khans and maleks (village headmen) who implement projects and are the start of the administrative corruption hierarchy.
Mohammad Noor Rahmani, the head of the Sar-e Pol provincial council fears the practice of appointing relatives and people with no professional expertise as heads of projects has affected the quality and effectiveness of NSP. Killid’s findings also reveal misuse of NSP money.
For instance, three micro-hydel projects were constructed in Shambol village, Sheeber district in Bamyan. But none of them are generating electricity.
The first dam was constructed in 2005 at a cost of 100,000 USD. It was badly made, and never worked. Some 50,000 USD was spent on the second, which again had a design fault and eventually even the machine parts were looted. The third dam has never been put to use because of differences between villagers.
MRRD blames local people for not taking care of projects under NSP. They accuse them of not feeling a sense of ownership about government projects.
Meanwhile, in interviews, locals admit to alienation because they have not been consulted. Ali Safdar from Ghazni province says there was no need for community halls, and several were built. They are lying in ruins, he says. “Local people had several other needs,” he adds.
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