Taking ownership of transfer of power By

Taking ownership of transfer of power By ?

People voted in the presidential elections last year in the hope of a new beginning. This was true also of voters in Helmand, Farah and Nimroz provinces.

Like elsewhere in the country, many factors influenced the vote here. Votes were cast for financial privilege or jihadi sympathies, tribal or linguistic links. Presidential candidates did not always follow the rules for engagement set by the Independent Election Commission (IEC).

Killid interviewed tribal leaders, local residents and others in Helmand, Farah and Nimroz.

Public morale

Rohullah Elhama, a civil activist in Helmand and a supporter of Zalmai Rassoul, the former foreign minister in the first round of elections, April 5, and of Ashraf Ghani in the runoff, June 14, says “merit” was his criteria for deciding who to vote for. “I participated in elections as an Afghan and I considered the principle of merit. I can’t speak for other people.”

Mawlawi Mehradel Farahi also from Helmand says elections are permitted under Islam, and he had urged all Afghans to participate. “I directed the people to participate in election and I also used my vote for the sake of security, peace and development of Afghanistan.”

Mullah Shah Mohammad from Farah province said he voted for Ghani for his knowledge. “I did not sacrifice my vote for the consideration of tribal and language issues; rather I used my vote for the development of the country.”

Gullam Mohammad also from Farah seemed to regret that he cast his vote on tribal considerations. “Votes must not be sacrificed for the benefit of a few people,” he says.

Meanwhile, a member of the Nimroz provincial council who did not want to be identified says, “I participated in elections from a national feeling and as a young Afghan, I benefited from it.”

Mirza Mohammad voted for Abdullah’s Reform and Partnership team. “Everyone selects his or her favourite president, and I also used my vote on this principle.”

Cash for votes

This happened in remote and insecure districts in Helmand province. Anti-government opponents and people were given money, the former to ensure they would not disturb voters on election day, according to one interviewee, Khpelwak Hewadwal, a resident of Sangin district, Helmand. “We gave the money to opponents in the insecure areas in order not to be disturbed.” He did not say how much money was given.

Mohammad Sharif Azimi who heads the tribes and borders council justifies the decision to pay anti-government forces in order to ensure elections could be conducted smoothly. “They were given money because they were threatening not to allow people to vote and campaigners to campaign, and I confirm it.”

Bahloal Khan who is a tribal leader in Gereshk district and a supporter of Ghani’s Change and Continuity team told Killid that ballot boxes in the secure districts were less full than in insecure districts. “It is surprising,” he says.

Saifulmalook, head of the coordination council of Ghani’s team denies money was given to voters in Helmand but they were ferried in vehicles on polling day. “No one was given money, they were taken to the polling centres by cars.”

Abdul Raziq Saifi, an activist, is a resident of Farah. He alleges that officials of the IEC were bribed to fill up ballot boxes, and voters were paid money. “I know the chiefs of the election commission were given 60,000 Afs (1,044 USD) for filling up 60 percent of the boxes and 40,000 Afs (696 USD) for 40 percent.”

But Haji Kalil Ahmad, a tribal leader in Farah, denies the allegation. People spent their own money on campaigning, he says. “I supported Change and Continuity and took supporters to polling booths and gave them food, paying out of my own pocket,” he insists.

Thinker or jihadi

In the run-off, the field narrowed to two candidates, Ghani and Abdullah. Voters say the choice was between a “thinker” and “jihadi”.

Ghani’s supporters campaigned on his experiences as an official in the World Bank and teacher in a university, his non-partisan past where he was not involved in any of Afghanistan’s previous wars. However, Abdullah’s supporters used his past as a mujahid to prove his loyalty to the people and country.

Hafizullah Haqyar who is chief of Hezb Islami in Helmand and supported Abdullah says, “We have done jihad for a long time and our support for Abdullah is because of jihad.” Mirwais Khan, a tribal leader also from Helmand, supported Abdullah.

Jailani Khan, a tribal leader in Farah province, says their decision to support the Change and Continuity team came out of discussions in three meetings. “Its leader (Ghani) is educated, a specialist (economist) and international personality.”

Ali Ahmad Muhajer, a civil society activist from Nimroz adds, “Ashraf Ghani is both a political figure and international personality. I did my best to make him president.”

Expensive campaigns

Campaigners may say they paid out of their pockets for electioneering, but without a doubt candidates spent more in this election than in the past.

Sultan Shoh Safari, supporter of the Reform and Partnership team, says there was no limit on spending in previous elections. “There was no monitoring by the IEC,” he adds. He claims candidates received funds from abroad for the elections.

Another Abdullah supporter claims “a million dollars was spent in electioneering in Helmand”. Ahmad Jan, a candidate in the provincial election (voting was on April 5, 2014), says he spent one million Afs (17,390 USD). “What would have been the budget of presidential candidates!” he wonders.

Khalid Parwani, pro-Abdullah, insists candidates spent according to limits set by IEC. “Our expenses were according to the standards of the commission. What supporters spent must not be mixed up with this.”

Tribal support

Some local leaders issued a diktat on who to vote for. Haji Qazi Khan of Helmand province, who supported Gul Agha Shirzai in the first round and Abdullah in the second, says it was because the former was his friend for years.

Haji Abdul Rahim, a resident of Farah and head of the provincial council which decided in favour of Ghani, says it was a collective decision. “We requested all our friends and relatives to use their votes for his team.”

Loyalty and trust

While both candidates promised not to run an election along tribal and linguistic affiliations, there was no getting away from it in the runoff.

Hayatullah Mayar who won the provincial council election in Helmand thinks the hold of tribal, language and regional considerations on the electorate is weakening. “In previous elections these issues were strong. People are trying to get rid of this trend.”

Bismillah Khan, tribal leader from Helmand, hints at wrongdoing in polling booths in Kajaki district. He says Abdullah’s supporters were kept out and the ballot boxes were found full.

Noorudin Khan Noorzai, tribal leader from Nimroz, who backed Ghani’s team, says he had to cajole people into voting. “(Voting) is the only way to save the country.”

Voter’s view

Shokrudin Khan, a tribal leader in Farah, says the campaign teams succeeded in raising awareness. “Imams, tribal leaders and people participated in elections,” he adds.